By Benita Roth
Submit 12 months notice: First released in 2003
This publication is set the advance of white women's liberation, black feminism and Chicana feminism within the Nineteen Sixties and Seventies, the period referred to as the "second wave" of U.S. feminist protest. Benita Roth explores the ways in which feminist activities emerged from the Civil Rights/Black Liberation flow, the Chicano move, and the white left, and the methods that supported political organizing judgements made by means of feminists. She strains the results that inequality had at the percentages for feminist cohesion and explores how principles universal to the left motivated feminist organizing.
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Additional info for Separate Roads to Feminism: Black, Chicana, and White Feminist Movements in America's Second Wave
The creation of the National Organization for Women (NOW) - the central "liberal" feminist organization is difficult to read as a collective moment of solving problems of role strain. NOW was founded in 1966 by professional women who served on state commissions on the status of women, and who had been appointed 28 TO WHOM DO YOU REFER? to these commissions because of their roles in political interest groups, trade unions, and other institutions (Freeman 1975:54-55). Conference attenders at a June 1966 national meeting of these commissions were thwarted in passing a resolution that would have asked the new federal Equal Employment Opportunity Commission to take sex discrimination as seriously as race discrimination.
8 Underground newspapers and magazines should be seen as organizations in themselves that both disseminated information and articulated discontent (Blackwell forthcoming; G. Rosen 1974). By 1971, more than 100 (white) women's liberation journals and newspapers were in circulation (Hole and Levine 1971; Marx Ferree and Hess 1985:72); Marta Cotera (1980) estimated that during the 1970s, there were at least ten newspapers and magazines dedicated to Chicana feminism (with other popular Chicano movement journals publishing feminist writings).
With whom did they feel common cause? The standard answer derived from reading the case studies of secondwave feminism, and articulated in the arguments of both Freeman and Lewis, is that each group of feminists compared themselves to the men in their community. This standard answer is related to the practice of holding class and race constant when talking about 1960s social movements; that is, since feminist activists in each community were middle class and of the same race as the men in their communities, their problems with equality consisted of gender oppression, and it is along that axis that they suffered subordination.
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