By Michelle M. Taylor-Robinson
Latin America’s flirtation with neoliberal financial restructuring within the Nineteen Eighties and Nineteen Nineties (the so-called Washington Consensus procedure) had the impression of accelerating source of revenue inequality through the area. the purpose of this monetary coverage used to be partly to create the stipulations for reliable democracy by way of making sure effective fiscal use of assets, either human and capital, however the widening hole among wealthy and terrible threatened to undermine political balance. on the center of the difficulty confronted by way of those new democracies is the query of responsibility: Are all voters both in a position to preserving the govt. liable if it doesn't characterize their pursuits? during this e-book, Michelle Taylor-Robinson investigates either the formal associations of democracy (such as electoral principles and the layout of the legislative and government branches) and casual associations (such because the nomination systems of political events and patron-client relationships) to work out what incentives legislators need to be aware of the desires of negative humans and thereby safely characterize their interests.
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Additional info for Do the Poor Count?: Democratic Institutions and Accountability in a Context of Poverty
16. Mansbridge (2003) offers a new typology of forms of representation. “Promissory representation” is where voters select a legislator based on campaign promises, and then at the next election sanction or reward the official based on whether the promises were fulfilled, which fits the criteria for democratic accountability. The three new forms of representation she describes— anticipatory, gyroscopic, and surrogate—break apart the direct relationship between the voter and the elected official.
Ethnic or linguistic groups, industrial or union sectors). Since this book focuses on rich and poor people, however, it is useful to discuss how a middle class would fit into this analysis. The analysis assumes the competing principals have different policy and service preferences. When their interests differ from those of rich and poor people, the middle class is an additional principal competing for representation. Their success will be influenced by their monitoring and sanctioning ability relative to that of the other principals, as well as by politicians’ policy and service preferences and career goals.
But it is not a crisis of popular representation, in the sense that institutions create no incentives to represent poor people. Multi-institution analysis indicates that some institutional settings create strong incentives for clientelistic representation. Other institutional settings may not require career-seeking legislators to engage in clientelistic representation but permit such activity by legislators whose role or cognitive template (which is prompted by the institutional setting) includes building a reputation as a patron.
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