By Tulia G. Falleti
Is it usually precise that decentralization reforms positioned extra energy within the palms of governors and mayors? In postdevelopmental Latin the United States, the stunning resolution to this question isn't any. in reality, quite a few results are attainable, based principally on who initiates the reforms, how they're initiated, and in what order they're brought. Tulia G. Falleti attracts on large fieldwork, in-depth interviews, archival documents, and quantitative information to provide an explanation for the trajectories of decentralization approaches and their markedly diverse results in Argentina, Brazil, Colombia, and Mexico. In her research, she develops a sequential thought and strategy which are profitable in explaining this counterintuitive consequence. Her learn contributes to the literature on direction dependence and institutional evolution and may be of curiosity to students of decentralization, federalism, subnational politics, intergovernmental kinfolk, and Latin American politics.
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Extra info for Decentralization and Subnational Politics in Latin America
The failed attempts are part of the narrative of how the successfully implemented reforms came about, or they can also tell us who the losers are in the negotiations. As such, I do take them into consideration (see, in particular, the analyses of failed decentralization proposals in Chapters 3 and 5). However, unimplemented policies are not incorporated into the sequence of dated events for the simple reason that they did not materialize. 24 Decentralization and the Revival of Subnational Politics governors, provincial and state ministers, political activists representing regional or local concerns, state and provincial representatives to constitutional conventions, and mayors.
Why not push the identification of decentralization policies back or forward in time? What makes these decentralization episodes relevant, or how does one choose among all possible intergovernmental reforms? Periodization provides an answer to these questions and is fundamental to my argument. The main argument incorporates elements of Methodological Considerations 25 path dependence precisely because the order and timing of events are so consequential. The choice of a starting point in a trajectory of events has implications for the identification of the causal mechanisms that link initial events to later ones.
First Cycle of Postdevelopmental Decentralization Policies in Argentina, Brazil, Colombia, and Mexico, 1978–1997 Argentina Administrative Decentralization Fiscal Decentralization Political Decentralization 1978: Primary schools transferred to the provinces 1988: New revenue-sharing law 1994–1996: Popular election of the mayor of Buenos Aires; autonomy to the City of Buenos Aires 1988: Decentralization of health 1983: Passos Porto Amendment 1980–1982: Popular election of governors 1993–1994: Decentralization of education to departments and municipalities 1991: Increase of automatic transfers of revenues to departments and municipalities 1986: Popular election of mayors 1983–1986: Bilateral agreements with some states for the decentralization of education 1995: Reform of the fiscal coordination law 1983: Article 115 on municipal autonomy 1997: Creation of new budget line (Ramo 33) directed to states and municipalities 1986: Creation of Mexico City’s legislative assembly 1992: Secondary schools transferred to the provinces Brazil Colombia Mexico 1992: Decentralization of education to all the states 1988: Increase of 1988: Municipal automatic transfers autonomy recognized of revenues to states in the constitution and municipalities 1991: Popular election of governors 1996: Popular election of the mayor of Mexico City As a result of postdevelopmental decentralization, Brazilian and Colombian governors and mayors currently have more fiscal resources, deliver and manage more social services, have greater constitutional autonomy from the central government, and are better organized to collectively represent their territorial interests.
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