By Pamela Hirsch
Barbara Leigh Smith Bodichon was once the main unconventional and influential chief of the Victorian women's stream. tremendously proficient, lively and unique, she was once a feminist, law-reformer, painter, journalist, the shut pal of George Eliot and a cousin of Florence Nightingale.
As a painter, Barbara is now recognized as a necessary determine between Pre-Raphaelite ladies artists. As a feminist she led 4 nice campaigns: for married women's felony prestige, for the ideal to paintings, the best to vote and to schooling.
Making amazing use of unpublished journals and letters, Pam Hirsch has written a biography that's as full of life and strong as its topic, recreating the girl in all her moods, and putting her firmly within the context of women's fight for equality.
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Barbara Leigh Smith Bodichon was once the main unconventional and influential chief of the Victorian women's circulate. greatly gifted, lively and unique, she used to be a feminist, law-reformer, painter, journalist, the shut good friend of George Eliot and a cousin of Florence Nightingale.
As a painter, Barbara is now regarded as a necessary determine between Pre-Raphaelite girls artists. As a feminist she led 4 nice campaigns: for married women's felony prestige, for the appropriate to paintings, the best to vote and to schooling.
Making fabulous use of unpublished journals and letters, Pam Hirsch has written a biography that's as energetic and robust as its topic, recreating the lady in all her moods, and putting her firmly within the context of women's fight for equality.
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Extra info for Barbara Leigh Smith Bodichon: Feminist, Artist and Rebel (New Edition)
The creation of the National Organization for Women (NOW) - the central "liberal" feminist organization is difficult to read as a collective moment of solving problems of role strain. NOW was founded in 1966 by professional women who served on state commissions on the status of women, and who had been appointed 28 TO WHOM DO YOU REFER? to these commissions because of their roles in political interest groups, trade unions, and other institutions (Freeman 1975:54-55). Conference attenders at a June 1966 national meeting of these commissions were thwarted in passing a resolution that would have asked the new federal Equal Employment Opportunity Commission to take sex discrimination as seriously as race discrimination.
8 Underground newspapers and magazines should be seen as organizations in themselves that both disseminated information and articulated discontent (Blackwell forthcoming; G. Rosen 1974). By 1971, more than 100 (white) women's liberation journals and newspapers were in circulation (Hole and Levine 1971; Marx Ferree and Hess 1985:72); Marta Cotera (1980) estimated that during the 1970s, there were at least ten newspapers and magazines dedicated to Chicana feminism (with other popular Chicano movement journals publishing feminist writings).
With whom did they feel common cause? The standard answer derived from reading the case studies of secondwave feminism, and articulated in the arguments of both Freeman and Lewis, is that each group of feminists compared themselves to the men in their community. This standard answer is related to the practice of holding class and race constant when talking about 1960s social movements; that is, since feminist activists in each community were middle class and of the same race as the men in their communities, their problems with equality consisted of gender oppression, and it is along that axis that they suffered subordination.
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